Voting Is Power Summit: Voting Saves Life
A Report on Voting Disparities and Civic Engagement:
Analysis prepared by Ron Robinson for our Lead North Class Project with Leadership Tulsa
Updated from Aug. 2015 Voting is Power Summit Meeting
Analysis prepared by Ron Robinson for our Lead North Class Project with Leadership Tulsa
Updated from Aug. 2015 Voting is Power Summit Meeting
The Major Points:
1. We have a now almost 11 year life expectancy gap between north and south Tulsa (In 2007 the OU Levin Study showed it was almost 14 years; in the nine years since, the focus on social determinants of health in the 74126 and 74106, and the beginning of an increase in clinic access, have helped to narrow the gap by three years; it remains an outrageous injustice of disparity).
2. Physical health is often greatly affected by a community’s civic health as part of the “social determinants of health” which account, along with lifestyle choices, for some 70 percent of life expectancy (OU Community Health, Dartmouth Study report; the other 30 percent consists of almost 20 percent in a person's genetics, and 10 percent only from clinical treatment, doctor and hospital care).
3. And civic health is greatly reflected in, and affected by, VOTING. Those who vote are connected more to their community; those who are connected more to their community live longer and stronger lives.
4. It is no surprise then to see that disparities in life expectancy in zipcodes track along with disparities in voting turnout between north and south Tulsa.
1. We have a now almost 11 year life expectancy gap between north and south Tulsa (In 2007 the OU Levin Study showed it was almost 14 years; in the nine years since, the focus on social determinants of health in the 74126 and 74106, and the beginning of an increase in clinic access, have helped to narrow the gap by three years; it remains an outrageous injustice of disparity).
2. Physical health is often greatly affected by a community’s civic health as part of the “social determinants of health” which account, along with lifestyle choices, for some 70 percent of life expectancy (OU Community Health, Dartmouth Study report; the other 30 percent consists of almost 20 percent in a person's genetics, and 10 percent only from clinical treatment, doctor and hospital care).
3. And civic health is greatly reflected in, and affected by, VOTING. Those who vote are connected more to their community; those who are connected more to their community live longer and stronger lives.
4. It is no surprise then to see that disparities in life expectancy in zipcodes track along with disparities in voting turnout between north and south Tulsa.
The Overview:
In the Nov. 2014 general election, 27.1 percent of all registered voters in North Tulsa voted. One precinct in far north 74126 had the lowest turnout at 20 percent. By comparison, one zipcode in midtown, with highest life expectancy and lowest population of African Americans and Hispanics, the 74114, had 45.5 percent turnout; and one of the precincts in that midtown zipcode had 49 percent turnout, the highest.
So there was a near 30 percent turnout gap between highest in midtown and lowest in North Tulsa.
Even in the recent mostly northside state senate election in Dist. 11, there was inordinate unequal distribution of turnout percentage within that District alone as well from precinct to precinct; so even within areas of the northside, some precincts have more electoral voice than others; often tracking along socio-economic lines.
In the Nov. 2014 general election, 27.1 percent of all registered voters in North Tulsa voted. One precinct in far north 74126 had the lowest turnout at 20 percent. By comparison, one zipcode in midtown, with highest life expectancy and lowest population of African Americans and Hispanics, the 74114, had 45.5 percent turnout; and one of the precincts in that midtown zipcode had 49 percent turnout, the highest.
So there was a near 30 percent turnout gap between highest in midtown and lowest in North Tulsa.
Even in the recent mostly northside state senate election in Dist. 11, there was inordinate unequal distribution of turnout percentage within that District alone as well from precinct to precinct; so even within areas of the northside, some precincts have more electoral voice than others; often tracking along socio-economic lines.
Disparity of Access to Polling Physical Locations:
There are seven precincts covering all or parts of four zipcodes in Far North compared to eight precincts in just one Midtown Zipcode 74114 where the highest turnout was, and even 15 precincts in just one South Tulsa zipcode, 74133. The precincts therefore are further spread out on the north side than on the south side; this at the same time that poverty and sickness on the north side make transportation more difficult and inequitable as well. One precinct in Far North does not have a polling place within its boundaries, basically north of 66th St. and must go to another precinct location to vote.
North Tulsa precincts count for only some 16 percent of
all precincts in Tulsa; this means even if there were 100 percent turnout in
all precincts, other areas would account for 84 percent of any vote. The
ability to make electoral decisions that affect a poverty and low life
expectancy area in city wide elections and concerns, therefore, make it
difficult for the northside to have the same electoral clout; this inability in
turn feeds into the cynicism that leads itself to lower voter participation.
The reason for this, of course, is that numbers rather than need is used to determine precincts; it can be said it is the same reason for the disparity of health care access and of food insecurity disparities of access to full service grocery stores. Instead of going where the greatest health care needs are, clinics and hospitals have located where the greatest number of residents are; instead of going where the greatest food insecurity is, grocery stores go where the greatest number of residents are; when post offices were closed, they were closed not where people had the most alternatives and resources available for postal related services, but in the areas where people had the fewest number of these resources. The same is true of voting places. The disparity is confounded because the areas where there are the most residents are also the areas where there is the easiest transportation and most other resources as well. It is easier than to vote in certain precincts and parts of town and harder in other parts.
The reason for this, of course, is that numbers rather than need is used to determine precincts; it can be said it is the same reason for the disparity of health care access and of food insecurity disparities of access to full service grocery stores. Instead of going where the greatest health care needs are, clinics and hospitals have located where the greatest number of residents are; instead of going where the greatest food insecurity is, grocery stores go where the greatest number of residents are; when post offices were closed, they were closed not where people had the most alternatives and resources available for postal related services, but in the areas where people had the fewest number of these resources. The same is true of voting places. The disparity is confounded because the areas where there are the most residents are also the areas where there is the easiest transportation and most other resources as well. It is easier than to vote in certain precincts and parts of town and harder in other parts.
This disparity is not the only reason for low voter
turnout on the northside, (for example, the effects of mass incarceration on
the poor and people of color and the percentage of felons and ex felons living
in different areas needs to be statistically analyzed; and the promotion of the
law about felons being able to vote needs to be promoted in areas of high felon
residency; just one additional reason), but residents of the northside are statistically
poorer and sicker and that makes it harder for us overall to access all
institutions of civic life, including the key one of voting. It shows the
result of basing polling places primarily on the number of residents in an area,
for not all residents and not all areas are equal in resources. If you take the
bus across town to work and back and have family to attend to, for example, on
election day it makes getting to a designated polling place more difficult for
those in poverty, especially given inadequate public transportation.
Highlighting this issue is the location chosen for the second early voting site. In both Tulsa and Oklahoma City areas, the opening of a second early voting site is a good step to increase access to voting, but the sites chosen were not where there is the current low voter turnout; instead, following the numbers not need model, the sites were located in wealthier and whiter areas where people already have easier access to voting.
Highlighting this issue is the location chosen for the second early voting site. In both Tulsa and Oklahoma City areas, the opening of a second early voting site is a good step to increase access to voting, but the sites chosen were not where there is the current low voter turnout; instead, following the numbers not need model, the sites were located in wealthier and whiter areas where people already have easier access to voting.
It also points up the need for one proposal to have
locations established in each area of the city where residents could vote on election day regardless of where they live; other proposals for increasing access, such as
mobile polling places, are also available over a long term effort to turnaround
multi generational voting patterns. And there are a host of other electoral reforms proposed that would help, such as automatic registration, moving the day elections are held, and others.
Another historic factor that is affecting civic
engagement and health in North Tulsa has been the redistricting of state
representative and state senate seats; over the past 40 years, even in the past
five years, the amount of geography that is included in the representative area
for example of Dist 72 has grown tremendously; what once in the 1960s for
example was a boundary area that was included within the far northside area itself has now grown vastly to cover all the way from the TU area, near to the Cherry
Street area, all through north Tulsa all the way to downtown Owasso area and
covering the town of Sperry itself; this stretching out of the physical
boundaries affects again the ability of people in poverty to be in contact with
the representative, who once lived in geographic proximity to them and with them, and it affects the ability of the representative to physically get to all of the areas within the political boundaries and to be known by constituents. These are greater problems than those in areas with smaller geographic boundaries. This takes on particular importance in poorer neighborhoods because of some of the reasons why people don't vote. When they feel disconnected from information on the candidates, and the issues, they don't vote as often; they are motivated by personal relationships in ways and to degrees that those of higher social economic characteristics are not, those who rely on accessing information online and through print and have the means to attend campaign functions.
Our class in 2014-15 looked at the
broad area of building social capital and civic engagement on the northside. We
did a pilot project of a civic health survey that looked at how connected
people seemed to be and seemed to feel connected with their community and one another. Below are
some of the initial finds and analysis we did of the results, but our major
finding is that this kind of survey needs to be institutionalized with someone
who can keep promoting it each year so that it helps to lead not only to better
connections and information itself, a kind of leadership support survey that also gives a snapshot of civic health on the northside, a kind of annual Tulsa Civic
Health Index for the Northside such as the Tulsa Health Department issues for
its Overall Physical and Mental Health indexes. A followup survey would also
help the survey itself to grow in quality and depth, growing from the issues internal to the survey we noted. Still....
1.
We found that some residents are very
connected to community but most are not, following the proverbial 20-80 rule;
some 20 percent of respondents were accounting for some 80 percent of the
community meeting and other engagement measures. In an already fragile
environment this burden on leaders is especially not healthy; burnout that can
and does happen anywhere can be exarcebated in fragile environments.
2.
Face to Face community meeting
involvement was therefore low; more than 80 percent attending five or fewer
broad umbrellas of community meetings events. We did not ask about online
community engagement, however, and through facebook particularly and various
community groups that has become a growing place of civic engagement, with its
own sets of pros and cons and issues. As online civic and community association grows that will accerbate the disparities and disconnect among those without the means to online access the same as others.
3.
More than two thirds had not been to
any community meeting inside their neighborhood public schools. This was seen
as an opportunity since the school buildings are a community resource, and the
more community is connected with the schools even from meetings and events in
them than the more support the schools are likely to receive. A concentrated effort is needed to get more and more community residents physically inside school buildings. In poorer neighborhoods, the local school buildings are one of the few community resources physically present; when they are not used to the fullest extent, it affects the poorer residents more because they don't have alternative spaces for community engagement. [note again the one precinct in Tulsa on the northside which does not even have a polling place available in its area, indicative of the dearth of physical resources for the community there].
4.
One of the highest percentages of
engagement came in the realm of having people over to one’s house, even family
and friends; as public meeting attendance dwindled and people looked for safer
environments emotionally the role of personal relationships has increased. At
the same time, almost no people reported ever having been invited into the home
of a broadly defined community leader. Shifting the location of where civic
engagement occurs, both online and to smaller and more intimate settings, is
likely to reap bigger results. (see recent studies about changing people’s
attitudes on social issues due to personal relationships and even door to door
discussions, at http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/10/magazine/how-do-you-change-voters-minds-have-a-conversation.html?_r=0.
5.
We found that very few people
reported having people over to their house or going to the house of someone of
a different race or ethnicity or with someone from a different neighborhood.
6.
We found that people did attend in
highest percentages the community institution of their faith community; at the
same time when asked about how much they support their faith community, the
most prevalent answer was very little; again a few supporting the institution,
which in fragile communities makes those institutions more fragile.
7.
More survey results need to be done
on voting attitudes, but our respondents self reported that they were
interested in political issues, and fifty percent said they had voted, and most
said they had few barriers to voting, but the most often cited ones were about
lack of information about elections and about the candidates; their not knowing
led to not voting; they also said, in keeping with the safety factor of
receiving community information, that they preferred to get political
information through the mail directly to their home. [poorer neighborhoods also often suffer from stereotypes of crime, and from real issues of blight and lack of enforcement of stray animals, etc. all of which can reduce the kind of personal visiting and campaigning that would have the most effect on voter interest and tunout.]
8.
Finally we asked people trust
questions, as trust in neighbors and institutions is key to civic engagement;
two thirds were mistrustful in general of others. When asked to choose from a
variety of responses about how much they trusted institutions, the schools and
the people working in the local stores (not necessarily the stores themselves
as a business) received the highest trust scores; which might show the
necessity again of where to conduct civic engagement, voter registration etc
drives and events. We asked about trust across ethnic lines, and the uniform
answer was that people trust others of other ethnicities “some” of the time
which was a response just a little on the positive side of the spectrum of
choices to respond.
9.
Building
necessary trust to work together in civic engagement is key; we have on the
northside the diversity which creates opportunities for deep rather than
superficial engagement, but we need to look at how safe environments we are
creating for it. Also in areas of high poverty and social underclasses, the
ways that people and groups and institutions try to engage with residents might
be counter-productive and class based, assuming that all have familiarity with
a kind of meeting that is like a college lecture setting, with little
interactivity, and little ways of establishing personal intimate relationships
during the meetings; not doing so continues to drive people away from civic
engagement, those whom need it perhaps the most.
10.
Our
typical respondent was a 47.5 year old African American making less than
$30,000 a year, who has never been married and perhaps owns her own home.
Next
Steps To The Survey:
---Continue
to refine it. Find an institutional online home for it. [Since our work we have connected with the statewide civic health work being done through the University of Central Oklahoma, and more connections and replicating the survey in other metropolitan areas would be helpful].
---Form
focus groups to go into deeper discussion and nuance on its findings.
---Create a
more specific survey of defined northside community leaders in order to track their and
their organizations struggles, their strengths, their learnings of what is
working and not working in civic engagement on the ground from their
perspectives. This survey would also serve to be a way to let leaders and others know what is going on in the northside year to year.
Through
it create a Civic Health Report on the Northside that could be issued annually
ala the Tulsa Wellness Report by the Health Dept.